Although the available data are limited, a recent Justice Center examination
of Alaska State Trooper case files has revealed that the crime of stalking
is probably greatly underreported by victims as well as underrecognized
by law enforcement and hence not charged often enough in Alaska. A charge
of stalking can be applied in a wide range of situations, and its parameters
as a crime can be somewhat ambiguous for both victims and law enforcement.
The available data show that a stalking charge is often made in conjunction
with other charges, particularly when there has been a prior relationship—which
is often the case, with stranger stalking fairly rare.
Stalking, by its nature and its legal definition,
induces fear. Statistics from the National Violence Against Women Survey
showed that even after the stalking ended, 68 percent of victims thought
their personal safety had gotten worse, 42 percent were very concerned
about their personal safety, 30 percent were very concerned about being
stalked, and 45 percent carried something to defend themselves. Psychological
counseling was sought by 30 percent of female victims and 20 percent of
male victims.
Moreover, other studies have shown links
between stalking and intimate partner homicide among female victims. For
example, according to an analysis published in Homicide Studies in 1999,
76 percent of female intimate partner homicide victims had been stalked
by their intimate partner in the past. Furthermore, 89 percent of female
intimate partner homicide victims that were physically abused had also
been stalked by their intimate partner in the past. Of all female intimate
partner homicide victims, 54 percent had previously contacted police to
report they were being stalked.
With funding from the National Institute
of Justice, the Justice Center is working with the Alaska State Troopers
and the Alaska Department of Law to learn more about the characteristics
of stalking in Alaska.
In the first quantitative examination of
the crime, data from all stalking incidents reported to Alaska State Troopers
from 1994 to 2005 were collected to gather descriptive information. The
research provides a first overview of a specific crime whose characteristics
are not widely known beyond the justice community. The Alaska statutes
defining the crime of stalking are presented on page 5.
Methodology
To conduct this study, Justice Center
researchers examined the total 267 cases with a stalking charge reported
to Alaska State Troopers from 1994 to 2005. (Alaska stalking statutes
went into effect in 1993.) The final sample for analysis comprised 210
cases (Table 1) covering a total of 222 stalking charges, 211 suspects,
and 216 victims. Case outcome data were gathered directly from the Alaska
Department of Law for a sub-sample of the stalking cases—only those
reported from 1999 to 2004 (N = 92).

Results
For the first four years included in this
investigation (1994 to 1997), the number of reports averaged 22 per year.
After that, the average number of reports dropped significantly, to 15
per year. Figure 1 displays the trend of reporting over time, from January
1994 to December 2005, using a three-month moving average. Seasonal variations
from January to December in the trend of reporting were not quite statistically
significant, but 23 percent of the reports were made in the months of
June and October.

Over 50 percent of reports occurred in
B and D detachments. B detachment includes five Alaska State Trooper posts
(Wasilla, Palmer, Glennallen, Big Lake, and Talkeetna) while C detachment
includes nine Alaska State Trooper posts (Coldfoot, Galena, Fairbanks,
Nenana, Healy, Cantwell, Delta Junction, Tok, and Northway; see Figure
2). The units with the highest number of stalking reports included Fairbanks
AST Enforcement (with 19% of reports), Palmer AST Enforcement (with 18%
of reports), and Soldotna AST Enforcement (in E Detachment, with 12% of
reports). Together, these three units had 49 percent of all stalking reports.
Additional details are shown in Table 2.


Most cases (67%) were closed by arrest,
meaning that at least one person was criminally charged, by a physical
arrest, summons, warrant, or criminal complaint (see Table 1). Other cases
(10%) were closed with a referral to the district attorney for a charging
decision. Sixteen percent of cases were closed after the investigation
because there were no suspects or because evidence was lacking. Only four
percent of cases were closed unfounded (because there appeared to be no
basis for the complaint). Finally, only three percent of cases were closed
because the prosecution declined to pursue the case, even though a suspect
was known.
The 210 stalking incidents reported to troopers
from 1994 to 2005 included a total of 222 stalking charges. Seventy-seven
(35%) of the 222 stalking charges were for stalking in the first degree
(AS §11.41.260) and 145 (65%) were for stalking in the second degree
(AS §11.41.270). For each stalking charge, thirty different forms
of behavior were examined, shown in Table 3. On average, four forms of
stalking behaviors were found per charge. The most common forms of stalking
behaviors included standing outside or visiting the victim’s home
(found in 54% of charges), making unsolicited phone calls to victims (found
in 51% of charges), following the victim (found in 39% of charges), threatening
to physically assault the victim (found in 36% of charges), harassing
the victim’s family and friends (found in 28% of charges), trying
to communicate with the victim in other ways (found in 27% of charges),
standing outside or visiting the victim’s work (found in 20% of
charges), physically assaulting the victim (found in 19% of charges),
sending the victim unsolicited mail (found in 15% of charges), and vandalizing
the victim’s home (found in 13% of charges).

The primary location for stalking behaviors
was most often the victim’s residence. As shown in Table 4, 45 percent
of stalking behaviors occurred primarily at the victim’s home. Cyberspace
was also a common location for stalking behavior, with 27 percent of charges
occurring primarily in cyberspace. An additional 10 percent of charges
occurred primarily on public roads and parking lots.
The 210 stalking incidents reported to troopers
from 1994 to 2005 included a total of 211 suspects and 216 victims. Most
suspects (91%) were male and most victims (89%) were female. As shown
in Table 5, most suspects (78%) were white and most victims (86%) were
also white. On average, suspects were 36 years old while victims were
33 years old; with 13 percent of suspects and 20 percent of victims under
21, 18 percent of suspects and 22 percent of victims between 21 and 30,
37 percent of suspects and 33 percent of victims between 31 and 40, and
31 percent of suspects and 25 percent of victims over 40. One in five
suspects (20%) had used alcohol, but very few victims (2%) had. Drug use
was very infrequent (1% or less) for both suspects and victims.
Relationships between suspects and victims
are shown in Table 7. Half (54%) of the suspects were, or had been, in
a romantic relationship with the victim, as an ex-boyfriend or ex-girlfriend
(29%) or current spouse (15%). In addition, 35 percent of suspects were
friends or acquaintances of the victim, with acquaintances as the more
prominent category. Very few suspects (4%) were currently living with
the victim. Slightly over half of the relationships (55%) had ended prior
to the stalking, and 58 percent had ended by the time the stalking was
reported to law enforcement (these statistics were not calculated for
strangers or family members).
Most suspects (55%) were not charged solely
with a stalking offense. Stalking charges were often accompanied by other
charges (Tables 8 and 9). On average, suspects had a total of 2.32 charges,
including an average of 1.05 stalking charges and an average of 1.27 other
charges. Overall, the 211 suspects were charged with 489 offenses (i.e.,
222 stalking offenses and 267 non-stalking offenses). The most common
additional non-stalking charges included assault, violating a protective
order, and harassment. In addition to these additional charges, 38 percent
of suspects had at least one aggravating factor (Table 10). The most common
aggravating factors included violating protective orders and prior arrests
for stalking the victim—present for 20 percent and 12 percent of
suspects respectively. In addition, 22 percent of suspects had a prior
arrest for stalking, assaulting, or harassing the victim. More specifically,
12 percent of suspects had a prior arrest for stalking the victim, 8 percent
had a prior arrest for assaulting the victim, and 5 percent had a prior
arrest for harassing the victim. Almost three quarters (74%) of the victims
had previously contacted law enforcement to report harassing behavior
by the suspect (e.g., to seek a protective order).

Overall, 75 percent of the 92 cases reported
between 1999 and 2004 were referred; 55 percent were accepted; and 40
percent resulted in a conviction (Table 11). The likelihood of referring,
accepting, and convicting varied substantially by legal factors (Table
12)—whether suspects violated protective orders, violated conditions
of release, violated conditions of probation, had prior arrests for assaulting
the victim, had prior arrests for harassing the victim, had multiple stalking
charges, or had additional non-stalking charges. In general, these legal
factors enhanced the likelihood of referral, acceptance, and conviction.
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In particular, violating protective orders
and having additional non-stalking charges were important legal factors.
Cases with suspects who violated protective orders were 20 percent more
likely to be referred for prosecution, were 19 percent more likely to
be accepted, and were 41 percent more likely to result in a conviction.
Cases that included additional non-stalking charges were 27 percent more
likely to be referred, were 84 percent more likely to be accepted, and
were 139 percent more likely to result in a conviction. In other words,
cases that included additional non-stalking charges were 2.4 times more
likely to result in a conviction than cases that did not include additional
non-stalking charges.
It is important not to over-interpret these
results because some categories are represented by extremely low sample
sizes (e.g., only two suspects had a prior arrest for harassing the victim).
Nonetheless, it is interesting to see the variation in the likelihood
of cases being referred, accepted, and convicted. For example, although
only six cases had suspects who had a prior arrest for stalking the victim,
all six were referred for prosecution, all six were accepted, and all
six resulted in a conviction. By comparison, only 34.6 percent of other
cases resulted in a conviction. When suspects had a prior arrest for stalking
the victim, they were 2.9 times more likely to be convicted.
Comparisons with National Data
Few national statistics on stalking are
available. The current primary source of information on the offense is
the National Violence Against Women Survey (NVAWS). While the numbers
are not directly comparable, in looking at the NVAWS statistics and the
Alaska figures presented here, we can note several points. First, stalking
seems even more underreported and, possibly, underrecognized by law enforcement
in Alaska than in the country as a whole. Second, it is likely that this
is particularly true among Alaska Natives. Third, it is likely that the
prosecution of stalking is more effective in Alaska than nationally.
Based on NVAWS results, an estimated 2.2 percent of men and 8.1 percent
of women in the United States have been stalked at some point in the past
(for a total of over two million men and over eight million women). Annual
stalking estimates (rather than lifetime estimates) are obviously much
lower, with 1.0 percent of women and 0.4 percent of men stalked per year.
Nationally, this equates to over one million women and over 370,000 men
stalked in a given year. Although we must do so with great caution, we
can use these statistics to estimate the prevalence of stalking in Alaska.
Using the annual NVAWS statistics that 1.0
percent of women and 0.4 percent of men are stalked (derived from a sample
of 8,000 women and 8,000 men), and assuming that annual rates in Alaska
would be similar to annual rates in the U.S., we can estimate that around
2,100 adult women and 900 adult men are stalked in Alaska in a given year
(see Table 13). Further NVAWS estimates suggest that nationally 55 percent
of female stalking victims and 48 percent of male stalking victims report
to law enforcement. If similar reporting patterns emerged in Alaska, around
1,100 women and over 530 men in Alaska would report a stalking incident
in a given year (see Table 14). Alaska’s numbers are much lower
than those for the rest of the country, something that may be a factor
of underreporting by victims or underrecognition by law enforcement.


More accurate estimates of stalking prevalence
and reporting patterns will be available only through additional research;
nonetheless, even in the absence of this additional research, it is clear
that stalking is greatly underreported in Alaska. In 2005, only 17 stalking
incidents were reported to the Alaska State Troopers, and statewide from
all jurisdictions only 30 stalking cases were referred to the Alaska Department
of Law.
The underreporting may be particularly true
among Alaska Natives. NVAWS statistics show that “American Indian/Alaska
Native women reveal significantly more stalking victimization than women
of other racial and ethnic backgrounds.” While 8.2 percent of white
women reveal being stalked at some point in their lifetime, 17.0 percent
of American Indian/Alaska Native women revealed being stalked at some
point in their lifetime. American Indian/Alaska Native women (and men)
were the most likely persons to indicate having been stalked at some point
in their lifetime—over two times more likely than for whites. This
was true for both women and men. (It is important to note that the NVAWS
figures do not represent actual reports to law enforcement, but rather
self-disclosure of incidents that may or may not have been reported to
the police.) By comparison, according to the study, the rates of stalking
reported to Alaska State Troopers were 6.6 times higher for white women
than for Native women and were 9.1 times higher for White men than for
Native men (see Table 15)—rates contradicting national figures.
Although these statistical extrapolations are fraught with untested assumptions,
it is nonetheless clear that stalking is underreported in Alaska, particularly
for Alaska Natives.
But, while stalking may be underreported
in Alaska, prosecution seems to be somewhat more effective. The Alaska
Department of Law secured convictions in the cases accepted more often
than occurred nationally: while NVAWS results showed that 54 percent of
accepted cases resulted in a conviction, 72 percent of the 51 cases accepted
by the Alaska Department of Law between 1999 and 2004 resulted in a conviction.

Reporting and Early Intervention
While we do not have any data on why stalking
is so underreported, law enforcement hypothesizes that stalking may be
underrecognized by victims. NVAWS statistics show other factors may also
come into play. Of the victims that did not report to police, 20 percent
believed it was not a police matter, 17 percent believed that police could
not help, and 16 percent were afraid of reprisal from the stalker. Of
the victims that did report to police, 50 percent were not satisfied with
police actions and 46 percent thought that police actions did not improve
the situation.
Law enforcement might be trained to capitalize
on opportunities for early recognition of stalking patterns. Efforts might
also be undertaken to raise public awareness of stalking as a crime and
report it as such and to further train law enforcement to recognize the
signs of stalking. This will increase the likelihood that suspects who
violate stalking statutes are reported to law enforcement and are appropriately
charged.
André B. Rosay is an associate
professor with the Justice Center. Greg Postle is a researcher with the
Justice Center. Katherine TePas is a program coordinator with the Alaska
State Troopers. Darryl Wood is an associate professor with the Justice
Center. The project discussed in this article was supported by Grant No.
2005-WG-BX-0011 awarded by the National Institute of Justice, Office of
Justice Programs, U.S. Department of Justice. Points of view in this document
are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official
position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.
Stalking Cases
The following individual case summaries, drawn from
the sample studied in the accompanying article “Stalking in Alaska”
illustrate a range of situations and circumstances in which the Alaska
State Troopers issued a stalking charge. The details were taken from the
AST case file. The initials of those involved have been changed.
B.W. reported receiving
phone calls from S.M.; she reported being frightened for herself and for
her family. S.M. had previously pled “no contest” to harassment
charges and had been ordered to have no contact with her. At the time
of the reported phone calls, he was on probation for the previous harassment
offense. During the phone calls, S.M. stated that he was in trouble and
needed B.W., that he loved her and found her perfect. In response to this
report, the troopers charged him with first degree stalking.
***
T.K. reported that she was
being stalked and harassed by her boyfriend’s ex-wife, M.D. An order
forbidding contact between M.D. and her former husband, P.D., was in place,
but there was no provision forbidding contact with the girlfriend T.K.
The two former spouses were involved in a child custody case.
T.K. reported that M.D. was making threatening
phone calls; that she had destroyed T.K.’s personal property—including
cutting up clothes—and had followed T.K. and P.D. to a mall and
attempted to force her way into their vehicle. On another occasion she
had followed the couple on a berry-picking trip.
M.D. was charged with second-degree stalking,
criminal mischief involving personal property and misdemeanor assault.
***
N.C. called the troopers
to report that P.M., her ex-boyfriend, was in her home yelling and causing
a disruption. Another man, who was spending the night, and two of N.C.’s
children were present in the house at the time P.M. arrived. She also
reported that P.M. had been following her to her workplace and other locations.
She had reported to the troopers at least once before. She said she had
previously obtained protective orders against P.M. but had let them drop.
N.C.’s employer and a co-worker confirmed
that P.M. would regularly appear at the workplace.
N.C. stated that she had made it clear
that she no longer wanted a relationship with P.M. He maintained that
they still had an active sexual relationship and that he often came to
her house late at night. The two have a child together.
P.M. was charged with third degree assault,
fourth degree criminal trespass, and second degree stalking.
***
L.K. reported that her ex-husband
S.K. had telephoned her several times that day, leaving threatening messages
on her voice mail. He had been served with a protective order two days
previously. L.K stated that S.K. could be violent and that he had been
trying to obtain a gun.
When contacted by AST, S.K. said he had
only been trying to contact his daughter. He was charged with violating
a protective order and stalking in the second degree
***
E.R. called to report that
her ex-boyfriend V.L. was pounding on her door and refused to leave. He
ran off just before the troopers arrived and was caught shortly afterward.
He had been previously arrested for a crime
involving domestic violence against E.R., stalking and criminal trespass.
She had had several protective orders against him. She stated that he
was violent when drinking and had assaulted her in the past.
The couple had lived together off and on
for nine years but not for three years prior to this incident, although
they had recently been sexually intimate and he had done work on her property.
She stated she had told him she did not want a relationship with him.
For this incident, V.L. was charged with
fourth degree assault and second degree stalking.
***
I.W. reported to the VPSO
that she was being harassed and threatened by her ex-boyfriend J.T. He
had been sending her obsessive letters for some time and was threatening
to kill her. (Copies of some of the letters are in the AST file.) The
two have two children together. They had last lived together three years
previously, and she had indicated she no longer wanted a relationship
with him.
It appeared that he had followed her from
one community to another over a period of time. There had been previous
incidents in other towns, including at least one in which the local police
were called when J.T. attempted to take one of the children from I.W.
A witness confirmed that J.T. had made
threats to kill others if I.W. would not be intimate with him again.
J.T. was charged with second degree stalking.
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